Georgia has risen up against the anti-European regime of Bidzina Ivanishvili, Rasa Juknevičienė, Permanent Rapporteur on Georgian Affairs at the European Parliament, writes.
What is happening now in Georgia is not just a local dispute on the periphery of Europe.
It is one of the episodes in Russia’s centuries-long imperial actions and Putin’s hybrid war against democracies.
Understanding the essence of these events is worth looking at the broader picture of recent decades.
The Georgian President, Salome Zourabichvili, referred to the parliamentary elections held in October as a Kremlin special operation.
This is more than just election result manipulation, a common practice in autocracies.
Even Putin’s rise to power in Russia was a special operation, using the imperial Chechen card. At the time, the world was still captivated by the collapse of the USSR, so the destroyed Grozny, bombed by fighter jets, and the thousands of Russian citizens killed in the Republic of Ichkeria failed to move the democratic world.
Following Putin’s speech in Munich, Kremlin’s special operations against neighboring states intensified around 2007. By that time, the President of the Russian Federation had consolidated power internally—taking control of the political system, raw material resources, and major television channels.
The Munich speech essentially signalled what was to come: reclaiming former imperial lands in Europe.
Georgia became the first victim of military aggression immediately after the NATO summit in Bucharest, where three NATO members blocked the Membership Action Plan (MAP) for Ukraine and Georgia. This was a clear signal to the Kremlin to take as much as it could.
Following the annexation of parts of Georgia, the Kremlin orchestrated its next operation with Viktor Yanukovych in Ukraine. In 2010, with significant Kremlin support (remember the poisoning of President Viktor Yushchenko), the Kremlin’s puppet won the presidential elections. Yanukovych’s visit to Brussels quickly followed, where he rejected Ukraine’s NATO membership aspirations, extended Russia’s military base agreements in Crimea for another 45 years, imprisoned former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, appointed pro-Kremlin ministers with Russian citizenship to key positions, abolished conscription, and undertook other measures to subordinate Ukraine to Russia.
Similar processes unfolded in Moldova, where Putin’s allies corrupted the country to the point where EU support was suspended.
Incidentally, similar operations also took place in my country, Lithuania.
The most notable and successful Kremlin special operation in Lithuania was the 2012 referendum on the Visaginas nuclear power plant. Unfortunately, operational security data on this operation was filed away in secret drawers, and those who participated from the Lithuanian side were never held accountable.
Among all Kremlin attempts to subjugate states to its will and influence, Georgia was the most successful operation until this recent Georgian revolution.
Having brought billions from Russia, Bidzina Ivanishvili (known as Boris in Russia) began his dark work in 2012. First, he established a party with the romantic name “Georgian Dream,” reminiscent of the romanticism of Kremlin-style parties in Lithuania, such as “Nemuno Aušra” led by an anti-Semitic figure.
Gradually, step by step, oligarch Bidzina took control of all state institutions—the national broadcaster, law enforcement, and security forces. He became a smaller clone of Putin.
His party publicly advocated for EU membership until the recent elections. Why?
Because around 80% of Georgians support the country’s Euro-Atlantic integration. Ivanishvili’s party deliberately manipulated pro-European public sentiment while steering the country in the opposite direction.
Elsewhere, Putin’s special operations were less successful.
In Ukraine, the Kremlin failed to retain its puppet Yanukovych. Moldova has regained some stability. Romania endured, albeit with difficulty, and the Baltic States have so far resisted, though vulnerabilities remain in Lithuania.
The Kremlin’s most significant defeat recently occurred in Syria. Let’s hope that Syria serves as a lesson for some African leaders who have established corrupt ties with Russia.
Georgia is a critical part of the broader picture of Russia’s war against Europe.
The most important battle is, of course, taking place on Ukrainian soil. However, the war against democracies, without artillery fire, is no less significant. It involves poisoning minds and stirring emotions during elections.
This war is already happening in the depths of the Baltic Sea through acts of sabotage against critical infrastructure. It manifests in orchestrating waves of migrants and terrorist attacks.
So, after understanding the essence, we must decide: what do we do?
The choices are few—either resolve to win or accept the existence of an aggressive empire.
The second option will inevitably lead to major troubles.
That is why, if we want to remain honest with history and avoid repeating Chamberlain’s fateful mistake in Munich in 1938, we have only one choice— we must help Georgians defend themselves against the Russian empire.
The U.S. has taken a significant introductory step by imposing stringent sanctions on Ivanishvili and recognizing him as a tool of Russian policy in Georgia.
Now it’s time for the EU to act.
Putin aims to seize as much control over the Black Sea as possible. Georgia is a golden prize for them. Georgians do not want this.
So why is the EU so hesitant? Clearly, the interests of the Georgian people and the EU align—the European continent must be as united as possible in the family of democracies.
Yes, the European Commission does not have independent foreign policy powers; this falls under the jurisdiction of member states.
This is where Putin’s calculations come into play: why it was worth starting wars. He believes democracies cannot withstand wars of this magnitude. Viktor Orbán, Robert Fico, and the elections in Germany, followed by France, seem like a paralysis of democratic procedures.
However, there is an opportunity for leadership by those who understand the consequences of paralysis. These are the Nordic and Baltic countries, with Poland taking over the Presidency of the Council of Europe.
On November 28, the European Parliament fulfilled its significant role by adopting a historic resolution that sets the main directions of EU policy regarding the Georgian government. Policymakers in some member states are now using this resolution.
As the European Parliament’s chief rapporteur on Georgian affairs, I am proud that I contributed to its preparation. Interestingly, the other main factions appointed Baltic representatives to negotiate the text of this resolution, highlighting our significant influence on Eastern European partnership issues.
The visit of seven European parliamentarians to Tbilisi, which I initiated and organized with my excellent team of assistants, was an essential sign for the struggling Georgians. Following this visit, we united efforts to invite President Salome Zourabichvili to speak at a plenary session in Strasbourg.
Now the baton has been taken over by another Lithuanian: Dainius Žalimas from the “Renew” faction, together with my EPP colleague, Polish MEP Michał Wawrykiewicz, who joined the Unity Path alongside Georgians in Tbilisi.
This is extremely important!
We must continue.
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